Compiled by Lisa Phillips of OpDeepState.com
Who owns the “black vote” in America? Martin Luther King intended to align his movement with the Palestinians in the 1960’s. His assassination also ties in with Israel stealing America’s nuclear technology (Numec Coverup) so that the Israelis could use the Samson Option (threat of annihilation of Europe) to blackmail world leaders who would not comply with the demands of the Ashkenazi Jews who conquered Palestine in 1948.
During the 2016 presidential election, Donald Trump specifically stated “We all bleed red blood” and included all Americans in his quest to make America great again. Most recently, in Trump’s speech upon his return from his Asian tour, he stated his goal was peace in Palestine. Not Israel, but “Palestine”.
Instead of “Making America Great Again”, Trump is making “Israel Greater Still”. Everything Trump promised in his campaign turned out to be a lie.
The Marxist Jews have always aligned themselves with the very people they brought to North America as slaves so that they could increase their numbers and gain control over the Democrat Party. Under the guise of “sympathy for the down trodden”, and using the holohoax lie, the Marxist Jews were instrumental in creating the Welfare State in America.
Michael Collins Piper was assassinated for telling the truth.
A Close Alliance Between MLK and Nelson Rockefeller Revealed
January 11, 2015
by Kevin Burke
Cardinal Francis Joseph Spellman, archbishop of New York; the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.; and New York Gov. Nelson Rockefeller at the Sheraton Hotel in New York City in 1962 for the centennial of the Emancipation Proclamation.
1962 New York State Archives
While much is being made about the new movie Selma’s depiction of the complicated relationship between the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and President Lyndon B. Johnson at the summit of the civil rights movement, it was actually King’s friendship with a larger-than-life Republican governor that speaks to our more complicated political past. Looking past it, we not only miss a host of intriguing historical surprises but also underestimate King’s deft leveraging of power on either side of the aisle.
Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller (1908-1979), scion of a mighty oil dynasty, was the four-term governor of New York who also served as vice president under President Gerald Ford and did his best to outdo LBJ’s Great Society by way of his own blended liberal-conservative style, which he described as having “a Democrat heart with a Republican head.” Before being shouted down by his own party at the 1964 Republican National Convention in favor of Barry Goldwater’s conservative forces, Rockefeller thought that energetic governance, to save capitalism by softening its sharpest edges and to advance civil rights in the Lincoln tradition, would be his ticket to the White House. Had he been right, we wouldn’t be talking about LBJ and the Voting Rights Act today.
Before it was fashionable, Rockefeller, more than any other white political executive in his party and far more than most Democrats, recognized King’s potential to lead the march for justice that would redefine American greatness in a Cold War world. Now, for the first time, we get a more complete sense of his support for King in an impressive new biography by noted presidential historian Richard Norton Smith: On His Own Terms: A Life of Nelson Rockefeller, reflecting 14 years of research that tracks this remarkable man through his flawed but ebullient life.
Here are the surprises that caught my eye:
In 1961, when King was still largely unknown outside the South, Rockefeller overruled advisers who were worried about how it would look if he shared the same stage with King and instead hired a film crew to capture King’s oratorical gifts. “If it’s morally the right thing … it’s the politically right thing,” Rockefeller told his team. And as he pressed for an end to discrimination in New York, he took delight in tweaking his Democratic rival in the White House, another legatee of Northeastern wealth, President John F. Kennedy, for being more talk than action. Rockefeller was anything but talk.
In fact, Smith reveals, it was Rockefeller’s representative who secretly provided a suitcase of cash to King’s attorney Clarence Jones in the basement of the Chase Manhattan Bank as bail money for those arrested in the Children’s March in Birmingham, Ala., in May 1963. “If we had one or two governors in the Deep South like Nelson Rockefeller,” King observed, “many of our problems could be readily solved” (quoted in the entry on Rockefeller in the online King Encyclopedia, out of Stanford University).
Again, two years later, as LBJ, fresh off his landslide election, agonized over King’s planned second march in Selma, Rockefeller, even after his humiliating defeat to Goldwater (who had voted against the 1964 Civil Rights Act), answered King’s call for national reinforcements by sending his own cousin, Alexander Aldrich, to join the throngs hoping to return to the Edmund Pettus Bridge. And later in 1965, Rockefeller flew to Atlanta to speak at Ebenezer Baptist Church and made a $25,000 donation to King’s Gandhi Society for Human Rights.
Rockefeller, Smith details, even “imported Italian craftsmen to restore the sanctuary’s stained-glass windows.” Even if King found it impossible to endorse Rockefeller’s run at the presidency, given his party’s rightward turn and LBJ’s record of delivering, Rockefeller wasn’t shy about inviting the reverend and his family to his posh Fifth Avenue digs in New York City as an escape from the looming pressures of travel and threats of death.
We now know from Smith that when death did come for King in April 1968, Rockefeller was so appalled that he immediately ordered his state’s flags lowered and sent a trio of emissaries to Atlanta to help the King family plan and pay for Martin’s funeral. According to Smith, one of Rockefeller’s key aides on the scene, Joe Canzeri, even “picked out the casket, located and repaired an ancient farm wagon for the procession to the cemetery, found mules to pull it—and took the King children to see their father lying in repose at the Spelman Chapel (named for the family of Nelson’s grandmother Laura Spelman).
And when Mrs. King needed a plane to complete her husband’s march in Memphis, Tenn., it was there. At the time the story went unreported, Smith writes, because, as Rockefeller told Canzeri, “We don’t want to make any political hay out of the misfortune of the family.” What Rockefeller did say in his public statement was this: “The true memorial to Martin Luther King cannot be made of stone. … It must be made of action.” For Rockefeller, this meant ramming through legislation to create New York’s Urban Development Corp. to rebuild the state’s blighted cities, however controversial and exacting the political price.
Rockefeller never did realize his dream of becoming the Republican Party’s standard-bearer, even after making one more frantic run at reclaiming it for civil rights following the assassination of Robert Kennedy in June 1968. Worse, he had to suffer being called the GOP’s enemy as it seized its own dream under Richard Nixon of becoming the party of the South and, increasingly, of white voters (62 percent of whom voted for Republican candidates in the last House elections). Meanwhile, African-American voters completed their own great migration to the Democratic Party that had begun with Franklin D. Roosevelt, accelerated with Johnson and culminated in their 90-plus-percent support for President Barack Obama in the last presidential race.
This is not meant to overstate Rockefeller’s case. Indeed, over time, Rockefeller himself became associated, notoriously so, with decisions that exacerbated racial tensions in the fallout from the civil rights movement. There was his support for the war in Vietnam; his deafness to calls for black self-determination (as opposed to housing projects built and neighborhoods cleared by orders from the top); his reckless handling of the prison uprising at Attica; and, most damaging, his crusade for stiff, mandatory sentencing for offenders in the wider war on drugs that would erase so many futures when crack cocaine hit the streets and the Reagan revolution arrived.
But one cannot help wondering whether King, if he had lived instead of being robbed of his future, would have saved Rockefeller from himself and the misguided policies, however wonkish or well-meaning, that destroyed lives and clouded his record.
Still, when Rockefeller died of a massive heart attack in 1979 (the scandal and cover-up of which make for riveting reading in Smith’s final chapter), it was his express desire that King’s father, Martin Luther King Sr., speak at his memorial service. It was, Smith notes, “the one aspect of the service requested by Nelson in life.”
Fifty years ago Rockefeller, despite his many flaws, presciently warned the GOP to keep its tent wide by keeping out “preachers of racism or extremists of reaction.” While we can debate the legacy of what followed, it was clear which preacher he preferred.
Kevin M. Burke, Ph.D., is director of research at the Hutchins Center for African and African American Research at Harvard University.
Editor’s note: It’s very possible that MLK was trained by the CIA at Stanford University.
The Stanford recruitment page for the CIA explains, “You will be given the opportunity to work with highly-skilled professionals and see first-hand the role the CIA plays in supporting US officials who make our country’s foreign policy.”
MUST SEE VIDEO: Michael King Jr. was a Phony American Hating Communist Sexual Degenerate.
Published (mirrored) on January 29, 2015 courtesy of American Born Republic
See also: Martin Luther King by Miles Matthis
Russia Tried to Use Martin Luther King, Jr.’s Assassination to Start a Race War
The plot involved the KKK, the Jewish Defense League, black militants … and a bombing
March 24, 2017
by Darien Cavanaugh
The Cold War often brings to mind visions of cloak-and-dagger spy escapades in Eastern Europe and Moscow — or the countless coups, revolutions, proxy wars and clandestine ops that pitted Communist and Western interests against one another in developing nations around the world.
Amid these sensational tropes of international espionage, it’s easy to forget the KGB and other intelligence agencies were highly active within the United States. Their exploits here weren’t quite as extravagant, but they went far beyond mundane intelligence gathering.
There were, of course, Soviet operatives in the United States who did focus strictly on intelligence. In the 1980s, a German-American spy hacked hundreds of networked military computers and sold the information to Russia, and KGB field stations established a massive surveillance program that monitored U.S. radar and satellite transmissions.
The Kremlin also ordered its agents in America to generate social unrest, undermine faith in the government and develop plans to sabotage targets in the military, energy and infrastructure sectors.
One such campaign sought to capitalize on the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. — by using it as a pretext for inciting a full-blown race war.
Propaganda materials attributed to the Ku Klux Klan, black militant organizations and the Jewish Defense League aimed to aggravate ongoing tensions between those groups and compel them to engage in open hostilities against each other.
From there, in theory, the violence would spread and engulf the general public. The campaign ultimately span three decades and culminated with Operation PANDORA, a plan to bomb a historically black college in New York and blame it on the JDL.
In 1992 Vasili Mitrokhin, a former KGB archivist with the First Chief Directorate, the unit responsible for foreign intelligence gathering and operations, defected from Russia to England. He brought with him a massive trove of top-secret KGB documents, eventually sharing over 25,000 files with Britain’s MI6 intelligence agency.
The files became the basis for two books, 1999’s The Sword and the Shield and The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World in 2005. Mitrokhin co-authored both volumes with British historian Christopher Andrew.
The books discuss Soviet intelligence gathering activities in the United States and elsewhere, as well as the plans to attack or sabotage dams, oil pipelines, power plants and other targets on American soil. They also provide details on the KGB efforts to inflame racial tensions in hopes of provoking a race war within the United States.
The race war Moscow envisioned would, effectively, kill two birds with one stone. While the KKK was eventually a factor in the scheme, black militants and the Zionist JDL were the main emphasis. The Kremlin wanted black militants to become the dominant force in African American political discourse and social movements, and hoped to use them to take out the JDL in the process.
From the Soviet perspective, King’s call for peaceful protests and nonviolent direct action had prevented a more volatile civil rights movement from emerging. If someone such as Stokeley Carmichael or a group like the Black Panther Party took control of the movement, a civil war could erupt on the streets of America.
Forced to focus on internal conflict, the United States would at least temporarily take its eye off of its foreign interests and lose political and strategic footing on the global stage.
Carmichael was the preferred candidate, according to Mitrokhin’s source material. Despite his early work with the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, Carmichael had ultimately made his name by popularizing the term “Black Power.”
In 1967, he went on a global speaking tour, giving speeches in Moscow, Havana and Hanoi, in which he condemned racism and capitalism alike. In the speeches he hinted at an impending race war in the United States, referring, most likely, to the arming of the Black Panthers.
“We are preparing groups of urban guerrillas for our defense in the cities,’’ Carmichael said in Havana, according to The New York Times. “It is going to be a fight to the death.’’
Carmichael still harbored nonviolent inclinations, but he was more open to the prospect of violent resistance than King was, and his rhetoric often overlapped with that of his militant contemporaries. That, along with his popularity and influence, was good enough for Moscow.
Even if Carmichael fell short of Moscow’s more ambitious hopes and a civil war did not commence, replacing King with someone like Carmichael would still give communism a broader audience within the African American community, and potentially America at large. Carmichael and black militants were more openly sympathetic to communism than King, though the latter was not without his critiques of capitalism.
The KGB decided to hedge its bets anyway, or they just got greedy. Either way, it wasn’t enough for them to try to turn the black community against the white community. The Russians wanted to bring the Jewish community into the fray as well, particularly Zionist extremist groups such as Meir Kahane’s Jewish Defense League.
If they couldn’t get black militants to take control of the Civil Rights Movement and start a race war, perhaps they could at least get them to take out the JDL.
The Soviet Union’s propaganda department had been running an anti-Zionist and anti-Israel campaign since the early 1960s, at the latest. This was in part based on an official policy that cast Zionism as a racist and imperialist policy, but was more likely due to Soviet interests in the Persian Gulf and broader Middle East.
Moscow wanted access to Persian Gulf oil just as badly as Western countries did. The Soviet Union made inroads with some Arab nations, but it never achieved enough power in the region to gain control of the oil supplies. The Soviets increasingly laid blame for their problems in the Middle East on Israel and its ties to the West, thus making Israel and groups who support it targets.
With the goal of taking out the JDL and buttressing black militancy at the same time, the KGB began a disinformation campaign in the United States to target the JDL and undermine the U.S. government on the “Negro issue,” as Mitrokhin’s documents revealed.
In 1967 Moscow authorized Yuri Modin, the deputy director of the KGB’s Service A, to implement a strategy of portraying King as an “Uncle Tom” who was working with the the administration of Pres. Lyndon Johnson to secretly pacify the civil rights movement and prevent a violent uprising from the African-American population.
Modin, who had previously directed the Cambridge Five spy ring in England, would start the operation by using his contacts within the black press to plant articles that were critical of King. Initially, the KGB hoped to take advantage of images of the 1965 Watts riots to stir up feelings of rage. The sense was that if they could spark a certain degree of violence, King would be “swept aside by black radicals” such as Carmichael.
Mitrokhin’s materials sited in The Sword and the Shield state that Modin was authorized to do the following —
To organize, through the use of KGB residency resources in the U.S., the publication and distribution of brochures, pamphlets, and appeals denouncing the policy of the Johnson administration on the Negro question and exposing the brutal terrorist methods being used by the government to suppress the Negro rights movement.
To arrange, via available agent resources, for leading figures in the legal profession to make public statements discrediting the policy of the Johnson administration on the Negro question.
To forge and distribute through illegal channels a document showing that the John Birch Society, in conjunction with the Minutemen organization, is developing a plan for the physical elimination of leading figures in the Negro movement in the U.S.
The assassination of King in April 1968 abruptly altered the KGB’s plans. Instead of portraying King as traitor to his people and an accomplice in their oppression, it suddenly became preferable to cast him as a martyr to the cause, someone betrayed by the evil capitalist system that he sought to compromise and negotiate with.
The riots that erupted in more than 100 U.S. cities after King’s death suggested that racial tensions had perhaps reached a flash point, opening an opportunity for Moscow. The KGB revised its propaganda, but the goal remained the same.
Despite the violence after King’s assassination, and the KGB’s attempts to expand on it, the race war didn’t really come to fruition. Moscow, however, was still not ready to abandon the plan.
In 1971 Yuri Andropov, director of the KGB from 1967 to 1982, personally approved the production of pamphlets full of “racists insults” to be distributed to black militant groups and attributed to the JDL. The propaganda pamphlets called for a Jewish vigilante campaign against “black mongrels” who had supposedly been “attacking Jews and looting Jewish shops.” The pamphlets were distributed to 30 black militant groups in the New York area.
Around the same time, Modin’s operatives began mailing forged letters to several dozen black militant groups with fabricated stories of “atrocities” committed against African Americans by the members of the JDL. The letters called for “vengeance against Kahane and his chief lieutenants.”
The Soviets’ international campaign against Zionism and Israel was not lost on Kahane and the JDL, not was the fact that the KGB had been specifically targeting their organization. While Moscow was failing to incite the race war it dreamed of, it appears that the KGB’s activities did illicit a response from the JDL.
Though the JDL denied it, at least two bombings of Russian targets in the United States were attributed to the organization. On Nov. 25, 1970, a bomb went off in the New York City office of the Russian airline Aeroflot. On Jan. 8, 1971, another bomb struck a Soviet cultural center in Washington, D.C.
In both instances, according to Mitrokhin, the bombings were followed by telephone calls in which the caller claimed responsibility in the name of the JDL and used the phrase “never again,” one of the organization’s slogans.
Perhaps drawing inspiration from the bombings attributed to the JDL, the KGB drew up plans to carry out a bombing of its own. In July 1971, Anatoli Tikhonovich Kireyev, another Soviet agent, was instructed to implement Operation PANDORA, a plan to detonate a bomb at an undetermined historically black college or university in the in a black community in New York City.
After the bomb went off, calls would be made to “two or three black organizations” claiming responsibility for the attack in the name of the Jewish Defense League.
That bombing never occurred, and neither did Moscow’s American race war. Mitrokhin and Andrew’s books show the KGB had an elaborate and advanced network of spies and operatives within the United States for several decades, but the bureau seem to have misread something about American race relations.
Despite their ongoing failures, the KGB continued the campaign to stir up a race war for several years. In one final — and feeble — attempt, the KGB sent letters attributed to the KKK to the Olympic committees of several African and Asian countries prior to the 1984 Olympics in Los Angeles. The letters were full of racial slurs and threats, and declared that Olympics held in the United States were “FOR THE WHITES ONLY!”
The letters do not appear to have had any effect on that year’s Olympics.
Levison, Stanley David
In 1956 Stanley Levison, a Jewish attorney from New York, began raising funds to support the Montgomery bus boycott and became acquainted with Martin Luther King, Jr. The two men developed a close relationship in which Levison not only advised King, but also aided him with the day-to-day administrative demands of the movement. In 1963, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) used King’s relationship with Levison, who they believed to be a Communist functionary, to justify surveillance of King.
Born in New York City on 2 May 1912, Levison studied at the University of Michigan, Columbia University, and the New School for Social Research before earning two law degrees from St. John’s University. As treasurer of the Manhattan branch of the American Jewish Congress, Levison became a champion of left-wing causes and supported the defense of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg and the campaign against the McCarran Internal Security Act. In the early 1950s the FBI considered Levison to be a major financial coordinator for the Communist Party in the United States and began to monitor his activities.
In the mid-1950s Levison turned his attention to the civil rights struggle. In 1956 Levison, Bayard Rustin, and Ella Baker created In Friendship, an organization that raised money for southern civil rights activists and organizations, including the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA). Together they formulated the concept of a regional “Congress of organizations” dedicated to mass action grounded in nonviolence, an idea that would later develop into the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) (Papers 3:491).
Throughout King’s career, Levison drafted articles and speeches for him, prepared King’s tax returns, and raised funds for SCLC. In 1958 Levison helped King edit Stride Toward Freedom and secured a book contract with Harper & Brothers. In almost all instances, he performed these services without compensation. When King offered payment, Levison refused. “My skills,” he wrote King, “were acquired not only in a cloistered academic environment, but also in the commercial jungle … I looked forward to the time when I could use these skills not for myself but for socially constructive ends. The liberation struggle is the most positive and rewarding area of work anyone could experience” (Papers 5:103).
The FBI’s interest in Levison was suddenly rekindled in 1959, when the bureau learned of Levison’s connection with King and the movement. FBI chief J. Edgar Hoover believed that Levison was a Communist agent, and that through Levison international communism influenced King’s actions. He brought this concern to the attention of Attorney General Robert Kennedy, and Harris Wofford was enlisted by the Kennedy administration to warn King to end his relationship with Levison. Unwilling to lose a trusted advisor because of vague allegations, King refused to act on the administration’s request for over a year. In March 1962 Robert Kennedy authorized the FBI to begin electronic surveillance of Levison, including his contact with King.
Just before a 22 June 1963 White House meeting with civil rights leaders, Burke Marshall and Robert Kennedy separately repeated the warning to King, and this time included a recommendation to also fire Jack O’Dell. King demurred and requested proof of Levison’s threat to national security. After the meeting President John F. Kennedy took King aside and repeated the request that he ban Levison and O’Dell directly.
Over the next months King debated how to handle the requests to cease contact with Levison. Levison, however, valued the administration’s support for the movement and took the initiative to cut off all visible ties with King. He continued to advise King on important matters indirectly, often using Clarence Jones as an intermediary. In October 1963, evidence of the ongoing relationship helped convince Robert Kennedy to approve wiretaps in King’s home and office.
Throughout the 1960s, Levison continued to lend King practical and moral support. Following the Selma to Montgomery March in 1965, Levison wrote King: “For the first time, whites and Negroes from all over the nation physically joined the struggle in a pilgrimage to the deep south.” For Levison, Selma was a turning point in King’s status as a leader: “It made you one of the most powerful figures in the country—a leader now not merely of Negroes, but of millions of whites” (Levison, 7 April 1965).
In early 1967, when King became determined to participate in a public denunciation of the Vietnam War organized by Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam, Levison counseled him to refrain. Levison felt that King’s planned speech, “Beyond Vietnam,” was unbalanced and would have disastrous consequences to SCLC’s fundraising campaign and King’s personal prestige.
A year after publicly speaking out against the Vietnam War, King was assassinated in Memphis, Tennessee. Andrew Young, another of King’s trusted advisors, called Levison a few hours afterward to tell him the news. Young wrote in his autobiography that “Martin had confided in Stan his worries and doubts and hopes ever since Montgomery and had defied the FBI and the president of the United States for their friendship. I knew he … would want to hear from one of us personally” (Young, 467).
After a long battle with diabetes and cancer, Levison died at his home in New York City in 1979. Upon hearing of his death, Coretta Scott King called him “one of my husband’s loyal and supportive friends” whose “contributions to the labor, civil rights, and peace movements” are relatively unknown (“Civil Rights Strategist”).
Branch, Parting the Waters, 1989.
“Civil Rights Strategist S. D. Levison Dies,” Los Angeles Times, 17 September 1979.
Friedman, What Went Wrong?, 1995.
Garrow, The FBI and Martin Luther King, Jr., 1981.
Levine, Bayard Rustin, 2000.
Levison to King, 8 January 1959, in Papers 5:103–104.
Levison to King, 7 April 1965, MCMLK-RWWL.
Rustin to King, 23 December 1956, in Papers 3:491–494.
Senate Select Committee, Book III: Supplementary Detailed Staff Reports on Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans, 94th Cong., 2d sess., 1976, S. Rep. 94-755.
Theoharis, ed., From the Secret Files of J. Edgar Hoover, 1991.
Young, An Easy Burden, 1996.